GREAT LEADERS IN SOUTHWEST NIGERIA BEFORE COLONIZATION

GREAT LEADERS IN NIGERIA BEFORE COLONIZATION This is meant to highlight Nigeria's history, government and political organization before the colonizers were able to take control of our day-to-day societal administration. The emphasis will be on the people that shaped our various tribes, people, towns and events. Those people whose legend and real life contributions have been passed down from our forebears either through oral history, folklore or actual documented evidence. GREAT LEADERS IN SOUTHWEST NIGERIA BEFORE COLONIZATION LISABI, A Leader of the Egba people of Yorubaland Lived in the mid-1700s to early 1800s There seems no doubt that the Egba were subjected to the empire of Oyo at some period since. In addition to both Egba and Oyo traditions about this, a considerable assimilation of culture and governmental practice seems to have taken place; this can be observed especially in the case of the northern Egba, the Gbagura. How and when the Egba came to accept Oyo domination is not known, but it seems likely that this occurred during the century following the return of the Alaafin from Igboho to Oyo Ile; author S.O. Biobaku suggests that the situation evolved peaceably, the Egba (he asserts) having no military organization capable of defending their land and so being prepared to pay tribute to Oyo in return for protection. But this Oyo overlordship came to be increasingly resented. The Alaafin placed his ajeles in the Egba towns to represent him and to collect annual tribute, and the presence and exactions of these officials, who had become the lords of even the kings, eventually provoked a national rising. The hero and liberator of the Egba was Lishabi, born at Itoku and living in Igbein, both in the Alake’s province. He is remembered as a man of gigantic stature and his career shows that he was a great organizer and leader. At first, he worked in secret, grouping his followers into the Egbe Aro, a society of farmers pledged to help each other in their work. This society gradually extended over the whole of Egbaland and at the same time changed its character, becoming an underground army, the Egbe Olorogun. When the time was ripe, Lishabi gave the signal for a general rising by killing the ajele in his own town of Igbein, and from there the movement spread through the Egbe to all the other towns of the land. Tradition claims that over 600 of the Oyo ajeles were massacred in this rising. The Alaafin replied by sending a large army, made up of Oyo, Ibarapa, and Egbado troops, against the rebels. This army crossed the Ogun at Mokokoki and advanced towards Igbein. Lishabi now showed his qualities as a general. Having ordered the town to be evacuated, he concealed his followers in the nearby Melego ravine and then, as the Oyo searched the deserted town, fell upon them, routing them and gaining at one stroke independence for his people. It is uncertain at what point in the decline of Oyo this revolt of the Egba occurred. Circumstance suggest that it may have been at some time during the long reign of Alaafin Abiodun; Biobaku places it during the disturbance at Oyo which resulted in the downfall of Bashorun Gaha, and author I.A. Akinjogbin considers that it was in those latter years of Abiodun which also saw the unsuccessful Oyo campaigns against the Borgu (1783) and Nupe (1791). But tradition in the Oyo kingdom, as recorded by the Bada of Shaki, places the revolt during the short regency of Bashorun Ashamu at Oyo after the suicide of Alaafin Awole, and therefore in or about 1796 or 1797. This would accord with what is known of the general military and political decline which had set in at Oyo by the end of the 18th century and also with developments among the Egba under Lishabi and up to the opening of the long wars of the 19th century in Yorubaland. Lishabi’s role was not confined to winning independence for the Egba. Biobaku describes him as the Egba Lycurgus who gave his people laws. He was yet more than that. He taught them the art of defending themselves by arms and fortifications, so that they were able to throw back the raids of their fierce neighbours, the Dahomeans. He also encouraged the Egba to take advantage of the changed political conditions of the country by engaging in trade on a wider scale than before, especially in sending kola from their forests to the markets in the north. He boasted that he had fought for the Egba so that they should wear the best kinds of cloth, alari and sekini, and his countrymen still look on him as father of their nation and on themselves as his children, omo Lishabi. The circumstances of Lishabi’s end are mysterious. He is said to have died in the forest, perhaps murdered by a group of jealous chiefs, though another account is that he was killed during a Dahomean raid. It seems that towards the end of his life he lost his popularity with the Egba, despite the benefits which he had brought them. Biobaku suggests that they did not understand his anxiety about the defence of their lands and resented the conscription into his militia of men whose labour was needed on the farms. After the removal of Lishabi’s influence and example, political conditions among the Egba deteriorated and local differences re-emerged. Tradition recollects four outbreaks of civil war preceding the wider conflagration of the Owu war. The first arose from a quarrel between the people of Igbein and Itoku, both towns subject to the Alake, over the petty offences of a former slave, now a wealthy trader, Ogedepagbo. The second grew out a competition for office between rival chiefs in Ilugun, which drew in other towns as mediators and then participants. The third came about when Alake Okikilu raised an army in Egbado under the warrior Agbaje (who gave his name to this war) in order to attack a group of towns in his province whose court was depriving him of the revenue which he expected from his own jurisdiction. The last was a bitterly fought contest between the Ijeun and Itoku against the Oba people; this again concerned towns within Ake, apparently the most disturbed and unruly of the Egba provinces. Thus the stage was set for the Owu war of the early 19th century, which was to bring in its wake the direst and most far-reaching consequences for all the Yoruba. Among these consequences was the destruction of the town and kingdom of Owu and the eventual removal of its ruler and people to Abeokuta, the new metropolis of all the Egba, where they have since then occupied the southwest part of the town. The Owu did not originally belong to the Egba. Their kingdom lay to the east of the Egba forest across the River Oshun, with Ife to the northeast and Ijebu on the south. Little is remembered about the early history of Owu, except for a couple of wars fought against Ondo, but the impressive remains of fortifications at Owu Ipole, consisting of massive earthen walls still some twenty feet high, suggest that here was a formidable power. Author S. Johnson describes the Owu as a martial race, and adds: “Hardihood, stubbornness, [redacted] and haughtiness are marked traits in their character.” To illustrate the equal fierceness of their women, he quotes a proverb: ‘a child is born at Owu and you ask (whether) male or female: which would be a proper child? (abi omo l’Owu, o ni ako tabi abo ni, ewo ni yio se omo nibe?) Nevertheless, like their Egba neighbours, the Owu were subject to the Oyo, and indeed were proud to act as the Alaafin’s warriors in the south. “From the days of Sango,” claims Johnson,” they had been very loyal to the Alaafin of Oyo.” This loyalty in latter days was to lead to their downfall. Excerpted from Kingdoms of the Yoruba, by Robert Smith, 1969. SOUN OGUNLOLA OF OGBOMOSO The traditional head of Ogbomoso is called the Soun. Soun came to the site where the town is today over three hundred and fifty years ago. At that time, the area was a dense forest, however, the area is now an open Savannah . Ogbomoso traditions insists that Soun was a great hunter of Bariba origin who Migrated Southward about 1659. The migration of Soun was consistent with the usual pattern of north-south movements that were common at that time. Soun Ogunola was a great hunter who enjoyed hunting expeditions. In one of his hunting expeditions, he pitched his camp under the Ajagbon tree. The site of this tree became the centre of Ogbomoso town where the Ogbomoso Palace stands today. Not far from Soun's Camp three other hunters had also established their camps. One of them was a Nupe elephant hunter who had his camp in a place known today in Ogbomoso as Oke-Elerin (Elephant Hill). Another was an Otta Prince who left his place because of chieftaincy dispute. His descendants became Baales of Ijeru. There was also another hunter who had his camp at Isapa. It is related that Soun Ogunola observed that these hunters were not far from his camp because of the smoke that came out of their fires. He later went to invite them to his camp. Ogunlola established his supremacy over these hunters because his wife was very good at preparing tobacco snuff and corn-wine which always attracted the tree hunters to his camp. Apart from that, disputes were always settled in Soun Ogunlola's camp as the settlement became bigger. As a restless warrior, Soun Ogunlola heard of the developments of Oyo-Ile during the reign of Alaafin Ajagbo. The Alaafin was faced with attacks from a certain Elemoso, who with his arrows put many inhabitants of Oyo to death. He therefore engaged Elemoso in a battle. Soun Ogunlola shot Elemoso with an arrow. After his victory, he returned to his camp and continue his leadership. Subsequently, his camp was called “The camp of him who took Elemoso's head” meaning in Yoruba. “ Eyiti Ogbori Elemoso. “This was shortened for Agbelemaso and over time it evolved to Ogbomoso. This history of Ogbomosoland was very peaceful until the early 19 th century, when the Fulani launched the Jihad (or holy war) against the Yoruba. SANGO OF OYO KINGDOM Sango was the third king of the Oyo Kingdom prior to his post-humous deification. Stories about Shango's life exemplify some major themes regarding the nature of character and destiny. In one set of stories, Shango is the son of Aganju and Obatala when in female form. As the story goes, Obatala, the king of the white cloth was travelling and had to cross a river. Aganju, the ferryman and Undergod of fire, refused him passage. Obatala retreated and turned himself into a beautiful woman. He returned to the river and traded his/her body for passage. Shango was the result of this unusual union. The tension between reason represented by Obatala and fire represented by Aganju would form the foundation of Shango's particular character and nature. In further patakis or stories of the faith, we find that Shango goes in search of Aganju, his father, and the two of them play out a drama of conflict and resolution that culminates with Shango throwing himself into the fire to prove his lineage. All of the stories regarding Shango tend to revolve around dramatic events such as this one. He has three wives; his favorite (because of her excellent cooking) is Oshun, a river Undergoddess. His other wife, Oba, another river spirit, was conned by Oshun into offering their husband her ear to eat. His anger was greatly kindled by this, and she is said to have fled from his presence to subsequently become the Oba River, which merges with the Oshun River to form dangerous rapids that are believed to be the physical manifestation of her life-long hatred for her fellow royal consort. Lastly, Oya was Shango's third wife, and was the one out of the three who managed to learn the secrets of his special powers to use in later life. Another Sango pataki from Yorubaland goes like this; Sango was an Alaafin, ruling as king in Oyo. He learnt the some of the secrets of his special abilities from the Ibariba, his mother's people. He came back to Oyo and amazed with his ability to make fire come out of his mouth. He thus ruled with fear of his special powers. He had two war generals, Timi and Gbonka. Timi Agbale Olofa-ina could shoot arrows of fire. Gbonka was equally powerful. Alaafin Sango sensed that he was not safe with these two powerful generals and tried to set them against each other. He sent Gbonka to Ede, another town in Yorubaland, to capture Timi. Gbonka was immune to Timi's fire arrows, because he also mastered the secrets of fire, and put Timi to sleep by chanting incantations. He brought Timi back to Oyo. Sango insisted they fight again in the public square. Gbonka repeated his feat, was again victorious and cut Timi's head off. Gbonka then asked to be burned alive. He was burnt to ashes, and miraculously re-appeared on the third day. Gbonka then gave Sango the ultimatum to leave town for his infidelity. Sango is then said to have sadly left town and committed suicide on the Ayan tree in a place called Koso. His followers quickly rallied and declared defiantly that the king did not commit suicide, rendered in the Yoruba language as "Oba ko so". They then attacked anybody who said otherwise with the lightning that they had been allowed to wield by the death of their lord. That is why anyone killed by lightning in Yorubaland is buried by the members of the Royal Cult of Sango, whose members are typically referred to as Baba-mogba. As a tacit acknowledgement of the propaganda that is ascribed to the cultists, one of the late king's praise names is Olukoso- the one who did not hang. The earlier story of Shango and Oba, meanwhile, seems to be the tribe's way of saying "one must be wary of dark counsel". As we have already said, Shango had three wives, Oba, his first and, in a traditional sense, legitimate wife, Oshun, his second wife, and Oya, his concubine and the only one of his wives that he made his princess consort. At that time they are said to have lived in a compound. In that compound, Shango had his own house and each wife had her own house surrounding his. He would then visit his wives in their houses to eat and to sleep with them. Oba went to Oshun one day and asked her how she kept Shango so happy. Oshun, being asked this, is said to have been filled with resentment. As children of the first wife, Oba's children would inherit Shango's kingdom. Her children would not have nearly the same status, being birthed by his concubine. She then decided to play a trick on Oba, out of jealousy. She told Oba that many years ago, she had cut a small piece of her ear off and dried it. From this she made a powder which she sprinkled on Shango's food from that moment on. As he ate it, she told Oba, Shango would desire the food and Oshun all the more. Oba, excited by this information, ran home to prepare Shango's amala, his favorite meal. Once it was done, she decided that if a little piece of Oshun's ear produced such an effect, her whole ear would drive Shango mad with desire for her and he would forget Oshun forever. She sliced off her ear and stirred it into Shango's food. When Shango came to eat, he sat down and began eating without looking at his dish. When he finally glanced down, he saw an ear floating in the stew. Shango, thinking Oba was trying to poison him, drove her from his house. Oba ran from the compound, crying, and fell to the ground to become a river, where she is still venerated today. As an Orisha, she is the patron of matrimony and is said to destroy any marriage that abuses either partner. KURUNMI OF IJAYE After the defeat of Ilorin by Ibadan in 1840, rivalry between Ibadan and Ijaye grew. In Ibadan the population had increased to over 60,000 by 1851. The Oyo Yoruba had come to dominate the political life of the town, and a political system gradually evolved which was well suited to military expansion (Awe,1967). There was no Oba, and chiefships were not hereditary. The chiefs were organised into four lines: the civil chiefs, led by the Bale; the military chiefs in two lines, headed by the Balogun and the Seriki; and the women chiefs led by the Iyalode. Within each of these lines the titles were ranked, and each chief moved up a rank as those above him died or were killed in battle. The bottom ranks were filled by magaji, the elected leaders of the Ibadan descent groups. The most senior title, that of Bale, was usually filled by a Balogun who had proved himself in war. The fact that there was no oba reflected the theoretical suzerainty of the Alafin, though from its foundation Ibadan pursued an independent foreign policy. In the 19th century the military chiefs usually had the greatest authority. Promotion to a title depended on a man's ability to mobilise a following and on military skill. Prestige and wealth came from warfare and the result was an aggressive policy of expansion. Ijaye was founded about the same time as Ibadan, by refugees from the Ikoyi area, led by Kurunmi, described by Johnson as the 'greatest soldier of his age'. It became an important communications centre, and under strong leadership it prospered. Mann, the CMS missionary, lived in the town in the 1850s, and he provided much first-hand information on it. By this time, Ijaye probably had a population of 40,000 or more. Initially, relations with Ibadan were good, but rivalry between the two gradually developed. An issue for a final confrontation was provided by the death of Alafin Atiba in 1859. He was succeeded by the Aremo Adelu, and Kurunmi refused to recognise the succession. Ijaye and Oyo were already at loggerheads over the control of the Upper Ogun towns around Saki. In any case, Ibadan sided with the new Alafin and war broke out. Kurunmi died in 1861, before the final capture and destruction of his town.